The Oldest Known Human Fossil that Blends Homo Sapiens and Neanderthal Species in Both Body and Brain

A recent study published in Journal of Anthropologie (July 2025) has dramatically reshaped our understanding of the encounters between Homo sapiens and Neanderthals. The research focuses on the skull of a five-year-old child, known as Skhul I, discovered almost a century ago in the Skhul Cave at Mount Carmel, Israel. Using modern CT imaging, scientists now argue that this fragment represents the earliest known human fossil that so strongly combines features of both species—externally resembling Homo sapiens, yet internally carrying unmistakable Neanderthal traits.

This revelation not only shifts the timeline of interbreeding between our species and Neanderthals but also forces us to reconsider the evolutionary story itself. It shows that our lineage has always been hybrid at its core, shaped by encounters, exchanges, and blending rather than by a neat succession of “pure” populations.

The Discovery of Skhul I: An Old Fossil Revisited

The remains of Skhul I were first unearthed nearly 90 years ago during excavations led by British archaeologists Dorothy Garrod and Theodore McCown. At the time, the child’s skeleton was classified as early Homo sapiens due to its rounded skull vault and other “modern” features. However, paleoanthropologists always noted a curious mix: some elements seemed less typical, hinting at Neanderthal affinities.

For decades, the specimen was treated as a borderline case—perhaps transitional, perhaps simply variation within early Homo sapiens. What it lacked was the precision of modern imaging technology. With the application of high-resolution CT scans, researchers were able to analyze the internal structures of the skull and jaw with unprecedented clarity. And what they found was nothing short of groundbreaking: beneath a Homo sapiens-like exterior lay a framework strikingly similar to that of Neanderthals.

The skull of Skhul I child showing cranial curvature typical of Homo sapiens. Credit: Tel Aviv University

A Hybrid Signature in Flesh and Bone

The new study highlights several features that point to this hybrid identity.

• Cranial Vault: The rounded, globular shape is consistent with Homo sapiens, reflecting a brain form we associate with our species.

• Vascular Impressions: The pattern of blood vessel channels inside the skull shows Neanderthal-like organization, revealing a deeper kinship with that lineage.

• Mandible and Ear Structure: The lower jaw and the internal ear morphology strongly echo Neanderthal anatomy, diverging from the more gracile Homo sapiens form.

Taken together, these findings suggest Skhul I was not simply an early Homo sapiens child but the product of a much earlier intermingling between populations—long before the commonly accepted timeline.

Shattering the Chronology: Interbreeding Twice as Old as We Thought

Until recently, the dominant genetic narrative placed interbreeding between Homo sapiens and Neanderthals between 60,000 and 40,000 years ago, during the great migrations out of Africa. Ancient DNA studies showed that non-African humans carry about 2–4% Neanderthal DNA, a legacy of those encounters.

Skhul I, however, is dated to roughly 140,000 years ago. This pushes back the evidence of mixing by nearly 80,000 years. In other words, the first genetic exchanges between sapiens and Neanderthals occurred not in Europe or Central Asia during the last Ice Age, but much earlier, likely in the Levant—one of the most important crossroads of human evolution.

This child is thus the earliest tangible witness to a story of contact, union, and shared life between two species.

Body and Brain: A Mosaic of Evolution

Credit: Tel Aviv University

The most fascinating aspect of Skhul I is not just that it mixes traits but that it does so in both body and brain. Hybridization here is not superficial. It extends to the very architecture of the cranium—the space that houses cognition, perception, and social behavior.

This mosaic anatomy suggests that human evolution was never a simple sequence of one species replacing another. Instead, it was messy and interactive. Populations met, exchanged genes, shared ideas and technologies, and sometimes raised children who embodied both lineages. Skhul I represents one such child—living proof that identity in prehistory was blurred, fluid, and relational.

Cultural and Social Implications

The existence of Skhul I raises important questions about the nature of Neanderthal-sapiens interaction. Were these isolated encounters, or was there sustained coexistence? Archaeological evidence from the Mount Carmel region shows overlapping tool traditions and burial practices. This suggests that the two populations may have shared not only territory but aspects of culture.

If Homo sapiens and Neanderthals were raising children together 140,000 years ago, we must imagine families that combined traditions, perhaps languages, and worldviews. Such unions could have been rare and exceptional, or they could have been part of a long history of social entanglement. Either way, Skhul I is a window into the first “mixed” households of humanity.

Rethinking the Human Story

For decades, evolutionary narratives were dominated by a model of replacement: modern humans emerged in Africa and eventually outcompeted or exterminated Neanderthals. While genetic evidence has already softened this story by showing interbreeding, the discovery of Skhul I makes it impossible to ignore how deep and ancient this blending truly was.

The implication is that humanity is not a “pure” lineage at all but a palimpsest of interactions. We are hybrids by origin, carrying echoes of more than one hominin species in our DNA, bodies, and perhaps even in aspects of cognition and behavior.

This is not a weakness but a strength. Diversity and mixture gave us resilience, adaptability, and creativity. The blurred boundaries between sapiens and Neanderthals may have enriched both species, even if one lineage eventually disappeared.

Why This Child Matters Today

Skhul I is not merely an archaeological curiosity; it is a symbol. It reminds us that our history is a story of meeting, blending, and co-creation. At a time when human societies often obsess over purity, origins, and boundaries, this fossil offers a very different lesson: the human condition is hybrid. We are who we are because of encounters that crossed lines, defied categories, and forged unexpected kinships.

The child at Mount Carmel was buried with care, suggesting that even in deep prehistory, people understood the value of life, no matter how unusual its origins. That act of burial links us directly to them, across 140,000 years, in a chain of memory and belonging.

Conclusion: A Mirror of Our Shared Nature

The oldest known human fragment that combines both species so intensely in body and brain is more than a scientific discovery—it is a mirror. It reflects the truth that identity has always been complex, layered, and shared.

Skhul I challenges us to imagine prehistory not as a battlefield of species but as a landscape of encounters, families, and exchanges. It shows that evolution’s greatest tool was not isolation but connection. And in that light, our deepest legacy is not competition, but the capacity to meet the other and become something new together.

The child of Skhul, resting for 140,000 years in the earth of Mount Carmel, is now speaking again. What it tells us is simple but profound: humanity has always been a conversation, not a monologue.

Cro-Magnon DNA, Out of Africa, and the Myths That Won’t Die

In recent years, two studies — Caramelli et al. (2008) and Klyosov & Rozhanski (2012) — have been repeatedly cited in online discussions and memes that claim to “disprove” the widely accepted Out of Africa model of modern human origins. While both works examine human ancestry in different ways, their interpretations and scientific credibility vary greatly. Unfortunately, oversimplified graphics and ideologically driven narratives have turned these studies into tools for misinformation rather than sources for understanding.

Caramelli et al. (2008): Mitochondrial Continuity, Not Total Identity

Caramelli and colleagues analyzed mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from a 28,000-year-old Cro-Magnon specimen (Paglicci 23) in southern Italy. Their findings showed that this individual carried a mitochondrial sequence identical to the Cambridge Reference Sequence — a sequence still common in modern Europeans today. This result supports a degree of genetic continuity between Upper Paleolithic Europeans and present-day populations.

However, mtDNA represents only the maternal lineage, a tiny fraction of our total genome. It cannot be used to claim that Cro-Magnons were “genetically identical” to modern Europeans in every respect. Nor does it say anything about other ancestry lines, archaic admixture, or the broader evolutionary context. The study supports some continuity, not a wholesale rejection of African origins.

“Spreading of Homo sapiens” Map
Depicts migration routes of Homo sapiens, Homo neanderthalensis, and Homo erectus across the globe. Created by NordNordWest and released into the public domain—meaning no attribution is required. Ideal for a clean, scholarly visual.

Klyosov & Rozhanski (2012): Controversial and Non-Mainstream

Klyosov and Rozhanski’s work, published in Advances in Anthropology, takes a far more provocative stance, arguing that certain Y-DNA haplogroups point to a non-African origin for modern Europeans. They suggest that Cro-Magnons emerged independently of African Homo sapiens populations. While such claims are attention-grabbing, the methodology — often referred to as “DNA genealogy” — has been criticized for lacking rigor and for ignoring extensive peer-reviewed genetic evidence to the contrary.

This paper has not been widely accepted in the scientific community, and its conclusions are viewed as speculative at best. In practice, its most visible role has been as a citation in pseudoscientific or racialist narratives online.

What Experts Actually Accept

The current consensus, supported by decades of archaeology, paleoanthropology, and genomics, is that Homo sapiens evolved in Africa roughly 200,000–300,000 years ago. Around 60,000–70,000 years ago, some groups migrated out, eventually populating the rest of the world. Along the way, they encountered and interbred with other human species, such as Neanderthals, Denisovans, and as-yet unidentified archaic Africans.

This updated Out of Africa model acknowledges complexity — gene flow between populations, regional adaptations, and partial continuity in certain lineages like mtDNA — but still recognizes Africa as the primary cradle of our species.

Conclusion

Caramelli et al. (2008) offers a valuable, nuanced insight into maternal genetic continuity, while Klyosov & Rozhanski (2012) remains on the fringe of mainstream science. The problem is not with the existence of these studies, but with the way they are often stripped of context and repackaged into tidy, misleading narratives.

The reality is messier and far more interesting: modern humans are the product of a shared African origin, layered with migrations, encounters, and interbreeding events that left traces in all of us. The challenge is not to simplify this story into ideological talking points, but to appreciate the deep, interconnected history it reveals.

Before Aesop: The First Cunning Fox in Human History Revealed Recently in Sumerian Myth

Enlil, Ishkur, and the Clever Fox: A 4,400-Year-Old Sumerian Myth of Captivity and Rain Restored

In a recent study published in the academic journal Iraq, Assyriologist Dr. Jana Matuszak has produced the first full critical edition and translation of a long-overlooked Sumerian tablet, shedding light on a mythic narrative dating back approximately 4,400 years. The tablet in question, designated Ni 12501, originates from the ancient city of Nippur and belongs to the Early Dynastic IIIb period (ca. 2540–2350 BCE), a formative era in Mesopotamian civilization.

Although the tablet was excavated as early as the 19th century, it was never fully published or analyzed. Part of the reason for this neglect may stem from its fragmentary condition—less than one-third of the original text survives—which has made interpretation difficult. Another obstacle was bibliographic confusion: when the tablet’s text was partly quoted by renowned Sumerologist Samuel Noah Kramer on the dust jacket of a 1956 book, he failed to include its museum registration number, identifying it only in a subsequent publication five years later.

Despite its damaged state, Ni 12501 offers a rare glimpse into the Sumerian mythological imagination—particularly through its narrative, which features prominent deities and unique motifs not seen elsewhere in the surviving corpus.

Historical and Religious Context

The tablet was inscribed around 2400 BCE, during a time when Sumer was composed of independent city-states, each governed by its own institutions and centered around a tutelary deity. As Dr. Matuszak explains, "Each city-state had one patron deity (who in turn had an entire family and staff)." In Nippur, this was Enlil, the head of the Sumerian pantheon, whose sanctuary dominated the religious life of the city.

Although politically autonomous, the city-states shared a common language, administrative traditions, and religious structure. Variations existed—such as different dialects of Sumerian and local panthea—but core deities like Enlil and Ishkur were widely known. Ni 12501, while seemingly part of a Nippurite tradition, fits into this broader Mesopotamian religious framework.

The Narrative: Ishkur in the Netherworld

The fragment centers on a myth in which the storm god Ishkur—often associated with seasonal rains and agriculture—is trapped in the netherworld (kur). His father, Enlil, convenes a divine assembly, seeking a volunteer to descend into the underworld and retrieve his son. Of all the gods, only Fox steps forward to undertake the perilous mission.

Fox, in a display of cunning, gains access to the netherworld by accepting—but not consuming—food and drink offered to him. Instead, he stores them in a receptacle, thus bypassing the binding rules of the underworld. The story abruptly ends here due to damage on the tablet, and it remains uncertain whether Fox ultimately succeeds in rescuing Ishkur.

Nonetheless, even in its fragmentary state, the myth resonates with themes common in later Mesopotamian and broader Near Eastern traditions: the daring descent into the netherworld, the clever trickster, and the restoration of order by an unlikely savior.

Themes and Symbolism

The narrative opens with a vivid tableau of agricultural abundance—"glittering waters," fish-filled rivers, and multicolored cows belonging to Ishkur—before shifting into desolation. Ishkur’s captivity seems to coincide with a cessation of natural fertility, represented metaphorically through the abduction of children by the kur, possibly alluding to drought and famine.

This transition from plenitude to scarcity, followed by the anticipated return of the storm god, may encode a cyclical agricultural myth, tied to the seasonal rhythm of rains and crop renewal. The motif parallels other ancient traditions involving dying and returning gods.

The character of the Fox—depicted here as both daring and shrewd—marks the earliest known instance of this animal as a trickster figure in Mesopotamian myth. The fox’s cleverness and willingness to do what other deities cannot recalls broader literary tropes of lowly or marginal figures achieving divine goals—a pattern seen in myths worldwide.

Significance and Legacy

As Dr. Matuszak notes, "The Nippur fragment Ni 12501... is the only narrative in which Ishkur plays a leading role." Although he appears elsewhere in hymns and god lists, he rarely occupies the central position reserved here. This makes the tablet all the more valuable, offering a rare window into both the evolving Sumerian pantheon and the myth-making of the time.

Moreover, the story reflects cultural realities: in southern Mesopotamia, rainfall was insufficient for agriculture, and extensive irrigation systems were essential. This likely reduced Ishkur’s relative importance compared to storm gods in rain-fed regions, such as the Semitic god Hadad. Yet in Ni 12501, Ishkur takes center stage, perhaps revealing a regional or localized devotional tradition in Nippur.

Toward a Fuller Picture of Sumerian Myth

Although much of the tablet is missing and its original context remains elusive, Ni 12501 is a valuable piece in the larger puzzle of Mesopotamian literature. Its motifs—captivity in the netherworld, divine rescue, agricultural abundance, and trickster heroism—resonate across the centuries in both Sumerian and later Akkadian mythologies.

Dr. Matuszak’s careful philological work underscores the continuing importance of revisiting understudied or neglected artifacts, especially those still housed in museum collections without full publication. Her edition of Ni 12501 not only revives a fragment of mythic storytelling but also reaffirms how even broken tablets can enrich our understanding of ancient worldviews.

Citation:
Jana Matuszak, “A Myth from Nippur about Ishkur’s Captivity in the Netherworld (Ni 12501),” Iraq 86 (2024): 1–26.

The Kalash People Are Not Descendants of Alexander the Great's Soldiers

Unraveling the Genetic Heritage of the Kalash People: Insights from Phylogenetic Analysis

The Kalash people of Pakistan often regard themselves as descendants of Alexander the Great, but genetic research does not appear to support this claim.

The Kalash are a religious minority with distinct, exotic features. They are an isolated ethnic group numbering around 4,000 individuals, surviving amidst predominantly Islamic populations. They speak an Indo-European language and have inhabited the Hindu Kush mountain range in northwestern Pakistan, near the Afghan border, for many centuries.

In various media outlets, the Kalash are frequently portrayed as descendants of veteran soldiers from Alexander the Great's army who settled in the region. However, genetic science offers a different perspective.

Research indicates that the Kalash are a pre-Islamic Indo-Aryan people of South Asia, with no specific genetic connection to the ancient Greeks of Macedon.

The recent study published in Scientific Reports delves into the genetic origins of the Kalash, an isolated Indo-European-speaking community residing in the Hindu Kush mountains of northern Pakistan. The research aims to elucidate the ancestral composition and historical movements of the Kalash population through comprehensive genetic analyses.

Methodology

The study analyzed genetic data from 98 male individuals identifying as Kalash, focusing on 22 autosomal short tandem repeats (STRs) and 23 Y-chromosomal STRs. These markers are instrumental in assessing genetic diversity and inferring phylogenetic relationships. The researchers employed statistical methods such as principal component analysis (PCA) and STRUCTURE analysis to compare the Kalash genetic profiles with those of regional and global populations.

Findings

The autosomal STR data revealed that the Kalash possess a unique genetic structure, distinct from neighboring Asian, European, and African populations. Y-chromosomal analyses indicated ancient associations with Eurasian-Indo-Iranian metapopulations. Notably, the Kalash exhibited minimal genetic admixture with surrounding South Asian populations, suggesting a long-standing genetic isolation. This isolation is further supported by the presence of specific Y-DNA haplogroups, such as G2a2, J2b2a, and R1a-Z93, which are associated with Neolithic and Indo-Iranian lineages.

Cultural and Historical Context

The Kalash people maintain a distinct cultural identity, characterized by a polytheistic religion and unique linguistic traditions. Their oral histories often link them to ancient populations, including possible connections to the soldiers of Alexander the Great. However, the genetic evidence suggests that their ancestry predates such historical events, aligning more closely with ancient Eurasian populations.

This study underscores the importance of the Kalash as a genetically and culturally distinct population. Their unique genetic makeup provides valuable insights into human population dynamics, migration patterns, and the effects of long-term isolation. The findings highlight the need for further research to explore the health implications of their genetic heritage and to inform conservation efforts aimed at preserving their cultural and genetic legacy.

For a detailed exploration of the study, you can access the full article here: Scientific Reports.

Reevaluating Israelite Origins: New Genetic and Cultural Evidence Suggests Steppe Ancestry

A recent interdisciplinary study by Johan Oosthuizen, titled “The Aryan Hypothesis: Identifying the Israelites”, challenges the prevailing view that the ancient Israelites were indigenous to Canaan. Integrating archaeogenetics, historical linguistics, scriptural analysis, and material culture, the research proposes that the Israelites were a genetically and phenotypically distinct population closely related to Middle to Late Bronze Age (MLBA) steppe cultures of Northern and Western Europe.

Methodology and Genetic Findings

Utilizing qpAdm admixture modeling, linkage disequilibrium analysis, and Y-DNA haplogroup tracking, the study identifies a significant influx of Steppe_MLBA-like ancestry into the Lebanese genome beginning around 1750 BCE, peaking around 960 BCE, and gradually increasing thereafter. This genetic input, particularly evident in Y-DNA haplogroups R1b and R1a, aligns temporally with the expansion of the Israelites and other Abrahamic groups into the Levant. The study argues that this influx cannot be attributed to known regional conquests by Assyrians, Persians, Macedonians, or Sea Peoples, suggesting instead a direct migration of an unadmixed population bearing a composite Steppe, Western Hunter-Gatherer (WHG), and Anatolian Neolithic Farmer (ANF) profile.

Phenotypic and Cultural Corroboration

Ancient depictions and genetic reconstructions indicate that the Israelites exhibited features consistent with Steppe_MLBA populations, including fair pigmentation, blue or green eyes, and intermediate to light hair color. Additionally, the presence of lactase persistence among the Israelites supports this connection, as such traits are prevalent in Steppe-descended populations. Culturally, Israelite practices such as patriarchy, pastoralism, metalworking, and chariot use mirror those of Steppe traditions. Linguistically, Hebrew shares Indo-European etymological patterns, including motifs rare in Afro-Asiatic languages, further supporting the hypothesis of a Steppe origin.

Conclusion

This study presents a compelling case for reevaluating the origins of the ancient Israelites, suggesting that they were not indigenous to Canaan but rather descended from Northern European populations associated with Steppe_MLBA cultures. The integration of genetic, phenotypic, linguistic, and cultural evidence provides a comprehensive framework for understanding the complex ancestry of the Israelites and their impact on the genetic landscape of the Levant.

For a detailed exploration of the study, you can access the full article here: The Aryan Hypothesis: Identifying the Israelites.

Tracing Cranial Evolution in Prehistoric Europe: Insights from the Upper Paleolithic to Bronze Age Migrations

A new study conducted by Pavel Grasgruber “The evolution of European cranial morphology: From the Upper Paleolithic to the Late Eneolithic steppe invasions” represents one of the most expansive craniometric analyses of European prehistoric populations to date, aiming to track morphological changes in cranial structure from the Upper Paleolithic through the Late Eneolithic, with a specific focus on the transitional phases marked by Neolithic farming dispersals and the later steppe migrations. By evaluating nearly four thousand male crania from 103 archaeologically dated European samples, this research provides key insights into the biological transformations that accompanied large-scale cultural shifts over a span of more than 20,000 years.

The methodological core of the study lies in the systematic application of traditional anthropometric techniques, measuring 22 cranial variables—11 raw cranial dimensions and 11 derived indices. The crania are grouped into six chronological phases spanning from ~25,000 BCE to ~2000 BCE. Advanced statistical procedures, such as principal component analysis (PCA), were employed to identify significant patterns in cranial morphology across time and geographic space.

The findings of the study reveal distinct shifts in cranial form that correlate closely with major cultural transitions. During the Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic periods, cranial morphology across Europe was typified by robust forms: large crania with broad faces and strong muscle attachments. These populations exhibit a high degree of morphological homogeneity over time, suggesting strong biological continuity despite environmental challenges and presumed population mobility.

Comparison of male skulls of Jamnaja-derived populations from the period 3000–2000 cal. BC. Source: Schwabedissen (1973); Schwabedissen (1978)

A marked transformation, however, occurs with the onset of the Neolithic period (~6000 BCE), initiated by the migration of Anatolian farmers into Europe. These groups introduced a more gracile cranial phenotype, characterized by narrower faces and more delicate cranial features. Notably, this shift does not suggest immediate or total population replacement; rather, Neolithic Europe becomes a mosaic of morphologically distinct populations, where early farmers coexisted and interbred with indigenous Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. This is particularly evident in areas such as the Mediterranean, Central Europe, and the Balkans.

The most significant cranial diversification emerges during the Late Eneolithic and Early Bronze Age (ca. 3000–2000 BCE), corresponding to the migration of steppe pastoralist groups, such as those associated with the Yamnaya culture. These migrations introduced new cranial morphotypes into Europe, diverging sharply from both Neolithic and earlier Upper Paleolithic populations. Two major morphological trajectories are observed: (1) the ultradolichocephalic type, typified by long-headed crania linked to the Corded Ware culture; and (2) the brachycephalic type, identified with the Bell Beaker culture and characterized by broader, shorter crania. These developments indicate complex admixture events and regionally differentiated outcomes of steppe-related demographic input.

Grasgruber’s synthesis suggests that European cranial morphology did not evolve along a linear or homogeneous path. Rather, it was repeatedly reshaped by demographic pulses of migration and cultural expansion, each leaving distinct biological signatures. While Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic continuity formed the baseline of European biological identity, this was successively modified first by Neolithic agricultural dispersals and later by Bronze Age steppe incursions.

Importantly, the study contributes to ongoing debates concerning the biological impact of prehistoric migrations, particularly in light of recent genetic studies that have corroborated massive gene flow from Anatolia and the Pontic-Caspian steppes. Grasgruber’s craniometric findings offer morphological validation of these genetic patterns, reinforcing the view that Europe's prehistoric demographic history was shaped by recurring waves of migration and integration, rather than isolation or single-event replacements.

This work further emphasizes the need for integrative frameworks that synthesize osteological, genetic, and archaeological data to reconstruct the biological history of European populations. By charting long-term morphological evolution, it underscores how deeply embedded human biology is in cultural and ecological contexts—making cranial form a valuable proxy for tracking population histories across deep time.

Conclusion

Grasgruber’s study stands as a landmark in bioarchaeological research, illustrating how cranial morphology can function as a powerful tool for tracing prehistoric human movement, interaction, and transformation. The correlation between cranial change and archaeological transitions from the Upper Paleolithic to the Bronze Age reveals the extent to which Europe's population history is marked by complexity, heterogeneity, and repeated episodes of demographic restructuring.

Rethinking Indo-European Origins in Scandinavia: New Archaeological Study Challenges the Single Wave Steppe Migration Hypothesis

Recent discourse on the Indo-Europeanization of Europe has been dominated by the steppe hypothesis, which posits a large-scale migration of Indo-European-speaking populations from the Pontic-Caspian steppes around 3000 BCE, associated with the Yamnaya culture and subsequently the Corded Ware complex. This model has gained traction largely due to advances in archaeogenetics, offering compelling evidence of population replacement and mobility. However, Rune Iversen's archaeological analysis titled “Issues with the Steppe Hypothesis: An Archaeological Perspective—Iconography, Mythology, and Language in Neolithic and Early Bronze Age Southern Scandinavia” introduces a critical perspective on this narrative by examining the southern Scandinavian region through the lens of iconography, mythological structures, and material culture transitions.

Iversen begins by observing that Neolithic iconography in southern Scandinavia, prior to the 2nd millennium BCE, was largely aniconic, favoring abstract, geometric forms akin to those found in the megalithic art traditions of western Europe. This visual language contrasts starkly with the anthropomorphic imagery—notably the statue menhirs—that emerged in other parts of Europe from the late 4th to early 3rd millennium BCE. These standing stones, featuring stylized human forms and sometimes weaponry or costume details, are thought to convey emerging social hierarchies, elite identities, and potentially religious or mythological content.

What is striking is the absence of such iconography in contemporaneous southern Scandinavian contexts, despite the region's increasing contact with steppe-derived cultural elements such as Corded Ware pottery, burial traditions, and domestic technologies. This absence suggests that early steppe-related influences did not immediately introduce Indo-European cosmological structures or human representations into Scandinavian symbolic systems.

Iversen's core argument revolves around the timing and nature of cultural transformations. He identifies the Early Nordic Bronze Age (beginning ca. 2000 BCE) as a decisive phase in which southern Scandinavia begins to exhibit both anthropomorphic imagery and motifs that may align with Indo-European mythological themes. This shift is particularly evident in rock carvings, metalwork, and burial practices that imply personification of deities, narratives of divine twins, solar symbolism, and warrior ideologies—hallmarks of reconstructed Indo-European belief systems.

This temporal disconnect—between the arrival of steppe-related material culture (~2800 BCE) and the emergence of Indo-European mythological expression (~2000 BCE)—forms the crux of Iversen’s critique of the single-wave model of Indo-Europeanization. He contends that a more nuanced, multi-phase process must be acknowledged. Rather than a singular migratory event initiating a full suite of cultural, linguistic, and religious transformations, Iversen posits at least two significant waves of steppe innovation affecting southern Scandinavia. The first wave brought material and technological shifts without substantive changes in symbolic and cosmological systems. Only in the second phase, during the Early Bronze Age, do we see the full integration of Indo-European ideologies into the local cultural matrix.

Furthermore, Iversen's work suggests that iconographic and ideological changes are essential to understanding cultural transformation—particularly the spread of Indo-European languages and religious systems. The archaeological record, when read in conjunction with linguistic and genetic evidence, offers a more intricate narrative of how Indo-European culture expanded: not as a uniform diffusion, but as a complex process of adoption, adaptation, and resistance.

In summary, this research provides a critical archaeological counterpoint to prevailing genetic interpretations of the steppe hypothesis. By demonstrating the diachronic disparity between early steppe cultural influences and later Indo-European ideological expressions in southern Scandinavia, Iversen underscores the need for interdisciplinary approaches that account for both biological and symbolic dimensions of human migration and cultural change.

Tracing the First Americans: New DNA Study Reveals Epic Migration from Siberia to South America

A recent study titled "From North Asia to South America: Tracing the longest human dispersal," published in Science, offers a comprehensive genetic investigation into one of the most remarkable migrations in human prehistory—the peopling of America. This research sheds new light on how early humans traveled from northeastern Asia, particularly Siberia, all the way to the southernmost parts of the American continent. The study's primary focus was to reconstruct the routes, timing, and genetic background of the populations that undertook this epic journey.

The research team used ancient DNA extracted from over 100 individuals whose remains span a vast timeline and geography—from Siberia and Beringia to various parts of the Americas. These individuals lived at different moments over the past 25,000 years, some dating back more than 10,000 years. Through high-resolution genetic sequencing and comparative analysis, the scientists were able to identify genetic lineages and trace their dispersal through time and space. They integrated this genetic data with radiocarbon dating, archaeological findings, and computational modeling to build a robust framework for understanding how these early populations migrated and interacted.

The study concluded that human migration into the Americas occurred in multiple waves, not as a single, straightforward event. The earliest wave originated from northern Asia, crossing through the Beringian land bridge during the Last Glacial Maximum. Once these populations entered the American continent, they moved southward with surprising speed, likely utilizing both coastal and inland routes. South America, despite its distance from the Bering Strait, was settled relatively quickly—within just a few thousand years after the initial entry into North America.

Importantly, the researchers found clear evidence of population structure and genetic diversity, suggesting that these migrants did not move in isolation. There were complex interactions among different groups, including admixture events and regional adaptations. The study also shows that remnants of these ancient lineages are still present in today’s Indigenous populations, especially in South America, preserving the genetic legacy of these early settlers.

This groundbreaking research demonstrates the power of ancient DNA in illuminating the hidden chapters of human history. It reframes the story of the Americas not as one of simple colonization, but as a dynamic and multifaceted process of human movement, adaptation, and survival across some of the most challenging terrains on Earth. By mapping the genetic echoes of these long journeys, the study contributes significantly to our understanding of how the Americas came to be populated and how early humans spread across the globe.

Ritual Closure of Monuments and Symbolic Respect for Space: The Cases of Lerna and Sissi

---

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

---

Deconstructing Theories of External Imposition

The recent study of the cemetery at Sissi in Crete reveals a unique ritual practice of the Minoans, interpreted as the symbolic "death" or closure of their tombs. Instead of gradually abandoning the communal graves, the inhabitants of Sissi, around 1700 BCE, undertook a deliberate and ritualized process marking the end of an era.

Specifically, the last dead were buried in small pits or ceramic vessels. Afterwards, they carefully dismantled the tomb walls, crushed some bones to blend with the soil, and celebrated with a large communal feast. The findings include thousands of pottery fragments, remains of cups, and kitchenware, all dated to the same period. These elements suggest a collective ceremony that signaled the final use of the burial grounds.

Figure 3. The archaeological site of Sissi, seen from the north. The white dotted line indicates the limits of the cemetery (Zones 1 & 9) (© Belgian School at Athens, N. Kress).

Finally, participants covered everything with a layer of soil and stones, sealing the site forever. Remarkably, centuries later, when burials resumed in the area, this specific location remained untouched, indicating a lasting respect for this ritual closure. This practice reflects a profound cultural transition and a conscious effort by the Minoans to close a chapter of their history with reverence and ritual significance. The discovery offers valuable insights into the social and religious perceptions of the time and enriches our understanding of Minoan civilization.

The practice of ritually "closing" significant spaces through careful burial and continued respect for tomb or building grounds is also observed in the prehistoric Aegean world. The case of the House of the Tiles at Lerna and the recent discoveries at Sissi in Crete demonstrate the same symbolic logic: the need for a conscious transition and an honorable disengagement from a past charged with social and sacred meaning.

Figure 1. Distribution of Prepalatial and Protopalatial tombs, with the location of the main cemeteries mentioned in the text (S. Déderix).

At Lerna, after the destruction of the House of the Tiles around the end of Early Helladic II (ca. 2400–2200 BCE), the inhabitants carefully emptied the building, set it on fire, and then erected a mound (tumulus) of 19 meters in diameter over its remains. This tumulus was demarcated with a stone ring, and for a significant period during the Early Helladic III phase, no new structures were built atop it—testifying to a profound respect for the space and the historical memory it embodied. A similar ritual strategy, with many parallels, is evident at Sissi.

This analogy suggests that both in mainland Greece and Minoan Crete, the societies of the Late Early Bronze Age did not experience change through violent external impositions but through internal processes of renewal, deeply rooted in a ritual understanding of time, memory, and space. This organized and respectful treatment of earlier monumental architecture stands in contrast to the traditional image of violent invasions or external elite dominance, once assumed by older theories regarding the arrival of the "Proto-Greeks" (in the case of mainland Greece).

Instead, it indicates that the local communities themselves chose to manage the end of an earlier social and political phase through conscious, ritualized closure. Building and maintaining the tumulus can be seen as a way for the community to remember their past and show their pride, without any signs of new power being forced upon them from outside.

Caskey, J.L., Blackburn, E.T., Lerna in the Argolid. A Short Guide, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Athens, 1977. © American School of Classical Studies at Athens

Furthermore, the collapse of the "Corridor House" system was not immediately followed by the rise of new, stronger elite centers, but rather by a phase of social simplification and fragmentation, as indicated by the emergence of apsidal buildings and changes in burial practices. This gradual and endogenous transformation better aligns with scenarios of internal social evolution rather than models of abrupt external domination.

Thus, the cultural changes observed at the end of the third millennium BCE appear to be more closely tied to transformations in local economic, social, and ritual practices rather than to the arrival of foreign populations or imposed systems. The Early Helladic III culture, although distinct from its predecessor, nonetheless shows strong elements of continuity, reshaping and integrating the past through internal processes.

The situations in Lerna and Sissi help break down ideas about quick takeovers or outside influences and improve our understanding of prehistoric communities as active participants in deliberate local cultural changes, where managing space and memory was very important.

New genetic data reveal a strong Greek genetic footprint in Carthage

---

By Dimosthenis Vasiloudis

---

How and when did the first populations move into North Africa? What is the significance of the detected "Aegean/Greek DNA"? How did the Carthaginians maintain their cultural dominance? (9-minute read)

Carthage was founded in the late 9th century BCE (traditionally 814 BCE) as a colony of Tyre, at a time when Tyre was a thriving commercial center. Therefore, the first inhabitants were Phoenician settlers — Semitic populations from the Levantine coasts, descendants of the ancient Canaanites. However, from the very foundation of the city, it is likely that local Berber (Libyan) populations of North Africa coexisted in the area, with whom the Phoenician settlers interacted and possibly intermarried. The very name of the city (Qart-Ḥadašt, meaning "New City") denotes a new settlement in foreign territory, but its development was closely tied to the local environment. Archaeological and historical evidence suggests that Carthage quickly evolved from a small trading post into a prosperous city-state with its own "Carthaginian" civilization. This civilization was clearly Phoenician (Semitic language, religion, customs), but the ancestry of the city's population was not purely Phoenician.

A recent paleogenetic study shed the first light on the biological composition of the early Carthaginians. The so-called "Young Man of Byrsa"—a man from the late 6th century BCE discovered in a burial chamber at Byrsa Hill in Carthage—revealed through ancient DNA analysis a maternal lineage (mitochondrial haplogroup U5b2c1) that is rare and European, originating from prehistoric populations in the northern Mediterranean. Specifically, this mtDNA links the individual's ancestry to regions such as the Iberian Peninsula, Mediterranean islands, or the northern Mediterranean coasts. The discovery constitutes the first direct evidence suggesting that even the early inhabitants of Carthage could have mixed ancestry, including European elements. In other words, the presence of such an ancient European genetic marker (U5b2c1) in North Africa indicates that Phoenician settlers had incorporated individuals from earlier Mediterranean populations (e.g., from Sicily, Sardinia, or Iberia) into their communities. This initial genetic diversity aligns with the historical image of a port city open to various ethnic groups. Although Carthage may have been founded by a few dozen or hundreds of Phoenician settlers, within a few generations its population expanded through admixture with local and other northern Mediterranean peoples. Truthfully, we have long understood that the Phoenicians' cultural dominance in Carthage did not imply absolute demographic dominance. Many ancient Greek colonies also observed the same phenomenon.

This reality became even clearer in a recent large-scale study of 103 ancient genomes from Carthage itself and other Phoenician/Carthaginian sites. Researchers identified a recognizable "Carthaginian" genetic profile, but it bore minimal relation to the populations of ancient Phoenicia. Instead, it was primarily composed of European (Greek/Aegean and Sicilian) and North African genotypes.

The First Neolithic Expansions—Prehistoric Population Flows into North Africa

To understand how European genetic elements appeared in North Africa long before Carthage's founding, we must examine population movements during the Neolithic period. The transition from hunter-gatherer economies to farming and animal husbandry occurred in North Africa approximately 7,500 years ago. Two main theories exist: either that local Mesolithic populations gradually adopted Neolithic innovations or that incoming farmers migrated into the area, bringing their way of life. Ancient DNA now clarifies this process. Furthermore, recent genome studies of prehistoric skeletons in the Maghreb revealed clear ancestry shifts during the Neolithic transition: the earliest Neolithic burials in Northwest Africa primarily show European Neolithic ancestry. The evidence implies that the initial farmers who emerged in Morocco and Algeria were predominantly descended from Neolithic populations from southern Europe. Researchers conclude that migrant European farmers introduced agriculture to Northwest Africa, which then rapidly disseminated among local groups.

This pattern fits into the broader wave of Neolithic farmer expansions from the Near East into Greece and Europe. It is well known that early farmers began in Anatolia and the Levant, spreading gradually westward via coastal Mediterranean routes to the Balkans, the Italian Peninsula, Sicily, Sardinia, and Iberia. Archaeologically, the spread of Impressa/Cardial pottery along coastal zones reflects the so-called "Mediterranean route" of Neolithic expansion. Notably, the appearance of agriculture in northeast Africa (e.g., the eastern Rif in Morocco) is nearly synchronous with its emergence in southern Spain, around 5500 BCE, suggesting maritime transfer of people and ideas. Thus, the wider agricultural dissemination led to a significant expansion of Neolithic populations from Europe into North Africa.

Note that a single migratory stream did not limit the genetic history of North Africa during the Neolithic. In addition to the European Neolithic influx, later contributions from the Near East are detectable. During the Middle Neolithic period, around 5000 BCE, the Maghreb genetic profile shows the introduction of a Levantine element, coinciding with the arrival of pastoralism (cattle, sheep, goats) in the region. This finding suggests that groups of herders possibly migrated westward from the eastern Mediterranean or the Nile Valley, bringing new genetic influences. Ultimately, by the end of the Neolithic, populations of the Maghreb exhibited a mixed genetic profile, combining local Paleolithic/Mesolithic heritage, European Neolithic farmer ancestry, and Near Eastern admixture. This prolonged prehistoric admixture explains why certain ancient European haplogroups (such as U5) or "Sardinian-type" genetic elements later appear among North African populations.

Regarding specifically Mycenaean, Sicilian, or Sardinian populations and their connection to North Africa, the data are fragmentary but indicative. There is no documented direct mass migration of Mycenaeans into North Africa during the Bronze Age. However, the presence of Mycenaean artifacts in Egypt and possible contacts with Libya suggest some level of interaction. After the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization (~1200 BCE), groups from the Aegean participated in the so-called "Sea Peoples," who reached as far as Egypt. Among them were the Sherden (possibly from Sardinia) and the Shekelesh (perhaps from Sicily). Although these groups clashed with Egypt, some may have settled in Libya or Canaan. These late-Chalcolithic or early Iron Age movements may have had a limited impact on western North Africa, though a minor genetic contribution from Aegean/European Bronze Age populations cannot be ruled out.

Moreover, the genetic landscape of the Carthaginians later exhibits strong affinities with ancient Greek populations, possibly linked to these early European movements or to Greek colonies established in Africa.

As for Sicily and Sardinia, these two major Mediterranean islands acted as bridges for population movements. Especially Sicily, due to its proximity to the Tunisian coast, served as a natural channel: early Neolithic settlers could have crossed in either direction between Tunisia and Sicily. During the 3rd millennium BCE (the Bronze Age), Sicily received influences from the Aegean world (e.g., Mycenaean finds) and later from Phoenician and Greek settlers. Sardinia, on the other hand, remained relatively genetically isolated for millennia (modern Sardinians preserve a high proportion of ancient Neolithic ancestry). Nonetheless, the Sherden people's history suggests some early contact with the eastern Mediterranean. In historic times, Carthaginian expansion led to the establishment of Phoenician colonies in Sardinia (e.g., Tharros), prompting some local population movements. Overall, we can say that the genetic impact of Sicilian and Sardinian populations on North Africa is detectable indirectly: either through early Neolithic dissemination (European farmers reaching the Maghreb) or through later historical interactions (e.g., integration of Sicilians into the Carthaginian network).

Phoenician Expansion and Genetic Interactions in the Western Mediterranean

During the Iron Age (1st millennium BCE), the Phoenicians expanded their maritime trading network, establishing numerous outposts and colonies throughout the western Mediterranean. By the 11th–10th century BCE, Phoenician settlements appeared in Spain (e.g., Cádiz), the Balearic Islands, Sicily, Malta, Sardinia, and beyond. The genetic contribution of these Semitic settlers to local populations had long been an open question. Traditionally, it was believed that the "Punic" populations (i.e., the western Phoenician colonies such as Carthage) would exhibit a strong Phoenician (Levantine) genetic signature. However, large-scale ancient DNA analyses have overturned this assumption. Researchers discovered that populations in the western Mediterranean received limited direct genetic input from Phoenician mother cities (Tyre, Sidon, etc.).

Despite their intense cultural, economic, and linguistic influence, the original Phoenician cities contributed minimal direct DNA to the Punic populations of the central and western Mediterranean. The spread of Phoenician culture thus occurred not through mass migration but primarily through the diffusion of cultural models and the integration of local communities.

Specifically, every Phoenician-Carthaginian site studied shows remarkable heterogeneity regarding its inhabitants' origins. Researchers detected an "extremely heterogeneous" genetic profile in ancient skeletons from these sites. In almost all Punic communities — from Carthage itself to colonies in Iberia, Sicily, Sardinia, and North Africa — the majority of individuals exhibited ancestries similar to those of ancient Sicilian and Aegean populations (southern Europe), while a significant portion had North African ancestry. In contrast, direct Near Eastern/Semitic genetic input was minimal. This practically means that in Phoenician colonies, people of diverse backgrounds lived together: individuals of local North African descent alongside others of predominantly European (Sicilian/Greek) origin. The different Punic communities were connected via maritime "kinship networks." For instance, a pair of distant relatives (approximately second cousins) were found: one buried in a Phoenician city in North Africa, the other in a Phoenician settlement in Sicily. Such findings illustrate the cosmopolitan character of the Carthaginian network, where movement and intermarriage across different regions were common.

This theory also explains how Phoenician settlers, initially a demographic minority, eventually genetically assimilated local populations rather than replacing them. As geneticist Pierre Zalloua aptly put it, "The Phoenicians were a civilization of integration and assimilation — they settled wherever they traveled." Despite their broad and diverse biological ancestry, these mixed populations transmitted their cultural identity (language, religion, and technical knowledge).

The case of Carthage shows that a group can be very influential in trade and culture even if they are not the largest population, similar to some theories about how Indo-European languages spread, but the history, society, and population of northern Africa at that time were quite different.

In summary, the Carthaginian rulers spoke the Phoenician language and worshipped Phoenician gods, but their subjects and allies came from various Mediterranean nations. In the end, the genetic background of the Carthaginians in the western Mediterranean is spread out and varied, showing a blend of European and African genes with some small Semitic influences, instead of a clear "Phoenician" genetic identity. This conclusion aligns perfectly with historical accounts of the multiethnic societies of the western Mediterranean and highlights how population movements are inextricably linked to cultural interactions.